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Finding an Efficient
Division
of Household Labor:
A Grounded Theory
Inquiry
Matthew Carlson, M.S. & Jason Hans, Ph.D.
University of Georgia | University of Kentucky
1
�Household Labor
Work completed to keep the family and home operating
(Shelton & John, 1996)
Cooking, washing dishes, cleaning, car/home
maintenance, shopping, laundry, paying bills, transporting
family members…1
1. Bartley, Blanton, & Gilliard, 2005; Batalova & Cohen, 2002; Blair & Lichter, 1991;
Davis & Greenstein, 2013; Lincoln, 2008; Robinson & Godbey, 1997)
2
�Why Division of Household
Labor?
Widespread
Conflict Zone
Power, Gender, and Fairness
In Flux
Social Forces: Religion, SES, Culture
Theoretical Gaps
Window to the Soul
3
�The Story of Household Labor
Quick Evolution
Rural Agriculture
Urban Industrialization
WWII
Gender Revolution
Egalitarian Ceiling
4
�Researching Division of
Household Labor
Mainly Quantitative
Surveys
Time Diaries
Differences in Findings
Some Qualitative
Contexts
Aspects
5
�Division of
Household Labor Today
1965
(Bianchi et al.,
2000)
Strongest Predictor
Women
Men
Gender1
Regardless of:
Race
Age (Sayer & Fine,
2011)
2000
(Bianchi et al.,
2000)
Women
Men
6
1. Blood & Hamblin, 1958; Bianchi et al., 2000; Blair & Lichter, 1991; Davis & Greenstein, 2004; Fuwa, 2004;
Fuwa & Cohen, 2007; Hook, 2006, 2010; Sayer & Fine, 2011; Stafford, Backman, & Dibona, 1977
�Perspectives on
Division of Household Labor
Relative Resources
Time Availability
Gender Ideology
…not good enough.
7
�Unanswered Questions
Do the theories fully explain
the phenomenon?
Not just trends, but the dyadic
process.
8
�Research Questions
How do married couples determine how much each
partner will engage in household labor?
How do married couples determine which chores each
partner completes?
What is the underlying process that produces this
division of household labor?
9
�The Grounded Theory
Method
Corbin and Strauss (2008)
Abductive
A Priori to Literature
Post-Positivist
Process Mapping
Ideal for Current Research Questions
10
�Recruitment
Email List
University Employees
Cash Incentive
11
�Sample: 20 Couples
Inclusion Criteria
Demographic Information
Dual-Earner
White
Married
30s to 40s
Heterosexual
Lower to Middle Class
Same Residence
Urban
With Children
Support Staff
12
�Interviews
Semi-Structured
Skype® or Phone
One-Hour
Interview Format
Transcription
13
�Interview Questions
Samples
What does “division of household labor” mean to you?
Who does which chores in your house?
How did you and your spouse decide who does which
chores?
If no one wants to do ______ (example chore), how do you
both come to an agreement on who does _____?
14
�Data Analysis
Grounded Theory
(Corbin & Strauss, 2008)
Multiple Waves of Coding
Iterative Process
Theory Grounded in Data
NVivo Software
15
�Results
Core Category: Maximizing Benefits and Minimizing
Detriments
Maximizing Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
16
�Excerpts from Interviews
Preference
We try to focus on things we enjoy and [therefore] it
doesn’t seem so much like a chore.
Conner
I hate washing dishes by hand . . . I would clean toilets
gladly before I do that.
Jodi
I don’t [mind, so] . . . I’ll do it [cleaning the bathtub].
Alvin
17
�Results
Core Category: Maximizing Benefits and Minimizing
Detriments
Maximizing Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
18
�Excerpts from Interviews
Proficiency
When it comes to division of labor, I kind of view it as
playing to your strengths.
Alan
Evening outfits and morning dressing scenario
Tammy and Jacob
I am definitely secondary on laundry. Amy is primary, just
primarily because I can’t fold worth a crap. My idea of
folding is a ball.
Hank
19
�Household
Labor
Awaiting
Division
Maximizing
Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
20
�Results
Core Category: Maximizing Benefits and Minimizing
Detriments
Maximizing Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
21
�Excerpts from Interviews
Containment
We try to kind of take turns because we both
hate to wash dishes even though it’s just
loading the dishwasher.
Jacob
It’s almost as if we naturally take turns with
that one [cleaning the shower], mostly out of
the fact that one of us gets fed up with it.
Ray
He’ll be like, ‘I really don’t want to do the
dishes,’ and I’m like, ‘Fine, I’ll do the dishes
[if] you do this for me.’ So, we do that back
and forth.
Gina
22
�Results
Core Category: Maximizing Benefits and Minimizing
Detriments
Maximizing Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
23
�Excerpts from Interviews
Outsourcing
We hated doing dishes… [We] ended up buying a portable
[dishwasher]
Sandra
… [I] pick up food on the way home.
Cathy
I don’t mind folding laundry, but I hate putting it away [so]
I make my kids put their own clothes away.
Sandra
24
�Household
Labor
Awaiting
Division
Maximizing
Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing
Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
25
�Disclaimers
Division of Household Labor is not necessarily:
Static
Explicitly Communicated (Wiesmann et al., 2008)
(Pittman, Solheim, & Blanchard, 1996)
26
�Household
Labor
Awaiting
Division
The Grounded
Theory:
Maximizing Benefits
and Minimizing
Detriments
Maximizing
Benefits
Preference
Proficiency
Minimizing
Detriments
Containment
Outsourcing
Division
of Labor
27
�Research Questions
How do married couples determine how much each
partner will engage in household labor?
How do married couples determine which chores each
partner completes?
Not relevant
Preferences and Proficiencies
What is the underlying process that produces this
division of household labor?
Maximize Benefits and Minimize Detriments
28
�Theoretical Complements
Relative Resources
Time Availability
Full-Time vs. Part-Time
Gender Ideology
CEO vs. Janitor
Partially Explains Preference/Proficiency
Neoclassical Economic Theory
Follow Preference, Maximize Efficiency
29
�Limitations
Generalizability
Context
Time
Children
University
Length of Marriage
Self-of-the-researcher
Biases
Research questions define focus
Not social justice oriented during data collection
30
�Implications
Researchers
Theoretical Advances and Rediscoveries
Future research:
Look elsewhere for same process
Explanation of Dual-Earner Behaviors
Educators
Test model quantitatively
Premarital Classes
Practitioners
Identify Dysfunction
Offer Solutions
31
�The End
Questions
32
�
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Outsiders Within:
African American Women in the Academy
Andrea G. Hunter, Tammy L. Henderson, and Cindy L. Lilly
I am looking for real honest colleagues….Who aren’t scared of talking about the ways racism, or classism, or sexism or
homophobia shape our decisions about programs and policies in education. Folks who know that those are the very
conversations that will breathe life into an academy that thrives on reproducing privilege and inequality at every turn....Do
you know any colleagues like that? (Dillard)
INTRODUCTION
As African American women scholars and administrators have made in-roads into the academy we not only re-articulate
and interpret the experiences, standpoint, and everyday thought of black men and women but have also experienced anew what
it means to be an “outsider within.” Patricia Hill Collins’ (1986) essay on black feminist thought and learning from the
outsider within is a hopeful treatise on how the “second sight” of African American women as well as a other outsiders within
have the potential to challenge, innovate, and to make evident that which was unseen. African American women in the
academy- in the social sciences and humanities -- have helped to fuel a transformative era of scholarship over the last three
decades. However, as Collin notes, the status of outsider within is inherently problematic if there are no transformations in the
institutions in which “outsiders” are a part of and the meanings of their status remain. Thus, African American women as
“outsiders within” the academy is a metaphor that not only evokes transformative promise but also practices of exclusion,
isolation, and subordination where one’s work and contributions are viewed as less valuable, less critical, and less deserving of
compensation and recognition (Turner & Myers, 2000). This paper explores the narratives of African American women in the
academy and at predominantly white institutions (PWI). We use both black feminist thought (BFT) (Collins, 1986) and critical
race theory (CRT) (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) as analytical lens to interrogate and interpret these narratives.
Fracturing within the Liberal University:
“Shouting out” The Interlocking Nature of Oppression in the Academy
MAKING VISIBLE DIALECTICAL TENSIONS WITHIN THE ACADEMY:
DIVERSITY WITHOUT CHANGE
----INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION
Dominant Hegemonies
Meritocracy, Colorblindness, and White
Supremacy
Institutional Practices and Barriers
Inequities in Access and Investment
Inferential Racism and Sexism
Marking as ‘Other”
De-valuing
Reputational Assaults
Marginalization and Isolation
Silencing
(In)visibility
Examining Autobiographical Texts
We examined published texts (p.d. 2000- 2010) of African American women who explore their experiences within the
academy and PWIs. The authors represent a variety of disciplines in the social sciences and humanities, were faculty or
administrators at various ranks, and all had experience in tenure-track positions. Based on narrative and content analysis, we
examined the presence of key themes of Black Feminist Thought (BFT) as articulated by Collins (1986) and women’s
explorations of the institutional practices they resisted. BFT themes include: the meaning of self-valuation and self-definition,
the interlocking nature of oppression, and the importance of African American women’s culture. Themes of BFT were evident
across narrative texts and most authors used BFT or other critical theory to examine their own narratives and experience.
These texts are not only testimonies of survival and resistance among African American women they also reveal the resistance
of PWIs to diversity and inclusion even in the face of stated values, ideologies, and policies. The intellectual, professional, and
emotional assaults women describe are at the nexus of the dialectical tensions between preservation of diversity without
change within PWIs and the transformative praxis of African American women within these institutions and the promise of
institutional transformation. We highlight the aforementioned dialectical tensions, and the ways African American women’s
narratives are positioned against the institutional practices of PWIs and reflect the negotiation of our “outsider within” status
and efforts toward transformative praxis.
Marking as “Other” and (Re)Claiming Difference
The externally-defined representations of black women populate the American imagination and have long marked African
American women as the other. If the historical representations of and worn-out ideologies about black women resonate within
the academy perhaps it is less so for what they are than for what they are not – representations of intellect, character, and
valued productivity. It is through the language of meritocracy and the lens of dominant intellectual/epistemological traditions
that African American women are marked as “other” and deemed unworthy of the regard that attends the privileged space they
inhabit. These challenges to the legitimacy (merit, “right” to access) of African American women in the academy reveal not
only dominant hegemonies regarding race and gender but also the “exclusiveness” of the academy which the presence of
African American women disrupts. Despite records of professional accomplishment, the narratives of African American
women are replete with accounts of lack of respect from students and colleagues, being treated with low professional regard,
and reputational assaults. Through the assertion of voice, (re) interpreting the meaning of difference and claiming
difference as a transformative space, and the processes of self-definition and self-valuation as scholars, teachers, or
administrators African American women resist and challenge the institutional processes that support and sustain these
representations within PWIs. What is writ in are: African American women’s self-understanding grounded in our own cultural
biographies /standpoint and within the intellectual communities in which we are full (and respected) members. To reclaim
one’s subjectivity in this way is to reclaim one’s humanness and to resist that status of “other” (Collins, 1986). Thus, for what
they are and are not African American women inhabit a space in which they are both present and absent -- an (in)visibility
located in the borderlands of the academy. Yet, within the academy, the gaze is not critically turned toward the institution itself
but rather toward the “stranger within” whose silence or absence (i.e., exit) is required to purchase diversity without
difference.
As an African American woman, I am often challenged by students to defend my honor as a professional. Despite my
senior status in the relationship, students on occasion deliberately question my intellect, authority, and credibility as
their professor. (Harris)
[I was told by a white male colleague] “Nobody cares about race, racism. None of it matters. If you want to succeed you
better learn how to compromise your values. You had better sell your soul. Your research contributes nothing. You need to
just lay low and just be silent.” (Patton)
Assertion of Voice
Self-valuation and Self-definition
Counter-Narratives
(Re)claiming Difference
Survival and Resistance
Challenging Diversity without Difference
Building Communities of Resistance
Bridging to Inclusive Communities
Transformative Praxis
Social Justice and Equity
I AM THE MOST INVISIBLE VISIBLE PERSON IN MY DEPARTMENT. -- Patton
I am looking for, searching for…honest colleagues who are not intimated or confused by the power and magic of
women of color who choose to be leaders. Especially articulate, bright, well-published, successful, gorgeous,
connected, righteous Black women intellectual leaders who do not want to be rendered invisible in order to be
accepted or acceptable in higher education. (Dillard)
What I did not expect, and what surprises me still, is that prevailing hegemonies and paradigms have a way of never
shutting up. If I imagined myself as a translational bridge between my homeplace and the academy it soon became
evident it was not enough to be a vehicle of inclusion one had to resist (at every moment) that which was. (Hunter)
Oppression is experienced on multiple levels: personal biography, group or community, and the systemic level of social
institutions (Collins, 1991). African American women’s narratives explore how their experiences within the academy are shaped
by the interlocking nature of race and gender oppression including pathways to doctorate education, institutional practices
related to hiring, tenure, and promotion; and organizational behavior and professional relationships. Facing informal and formal
institutional barriers to advancement, inferential racism and sexism, and exclusion from the “gold standard of mentoring”
(i.e., cultivation, protection, and generative investment) women gave witness to their survival and their achievement. They
engaged in defensive/offensive strategies to mitigate the symbolic, interpersonal, and institutional dimensions of oppression
from: enforcing cultural contracts to reciting credentials in the classroom and challenging their (in)visibility in organizational
processes to countering externally-defined representations of themselves as less competent than their white colleagues. Yet,
these are not only testimonies of strategic survival, African American women also reveal that which has been silenced and made
invisible – the pain, the de-moralization, the disappointment – and the cost of enduring. The (in)visibility of African
American women’s struggle within PWIs and the silencing of the pain that attends it veil the fracturing within the liberal
university between its politics, its language, and its practices through which diversity without change is constructed and
legitimated. (Patton, 2004a). When African American women (and other outsiders) do not survive PWIs seek another to fulfill
its fractured mission of diversity.
Transformative Praxis: Beyond Diversity without Change
African American women interwove personal narrative, theory, and praxis to interrogate the fracturing within the liberal
university and to illustrate how we may move toward institutional transformation and build inclusive communities within the
academy. They continue as teachers, scholars, and administrators who believe in the transformative promise of their
scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and leadership at PWIs. Their essays give witness to the ways African American women have
sought to challenge, innovate, and to make evident that which is unseen by disciplinary/epistemological traditions that
dominant their fields and the institutions within which they pursue their life’s work. This is extended to how African American
women positioned themselves as citizens within the university where they asserted a professional ethic grounded in the insights
that come from marginalization and subordination with a subversive emphasis on social justice and equity. As one of few
African American women at their institutions, they emphasized the importance of mentoring those who come after and paying it
forward toward change. Women advocated for and relied on the building of communities of resistance either with other African
American women or other “outsiders within” through which their experiences could be voiced and validated. These communities
were also a source of peer mentoring, collaboration, and professional support. The work of these women was framed by a deep
sense of connection and responsibility to their communities where advocacy and scholarship often coexisted (Dillard, 2000). It
is through their scholarship, teaching and pedagogy, mentoring, and leadership that African American women brought
“difference” to the academy. These differences were often questioned and at times denigrated; yet, their presence defiantly create
another type of fracturing within the academy through which what was once outside may be brought in.
Final Thoughts
The experiences of African American women spoken to in the essays we reviewed triangulate with a variety of empirical
studies. With an emphasis on the dialectical tensions that emerge as PWIs implement diversity/inclusion goals, we explored the
ways African American women are positioned against the institutional practices of PWIs, negotiate “outsider within” status, and
engage in transformative praxis. As African American women in the academy, we also bear witness to the experiences of
“outsiders within” and understand the transformative power of bringing into the academy those who have been left outside. We
understand the assaults to self which are too often experienced by African American women as well as other outsiders that are so
deeply felt that in our isolation and in our fight to survive we may come to believe too that it is us – “the other” who does not
belong. Empirical studies and autobiographical narratives tell us that for African American women, whose presence and work
challenges “diversity without difference,” regardless of discipline, region of the country, type of PWI and despite individual
differences in talent and temperament share many aspects of the experience highlighted in this paper. Although it is important to
give voice to this experience, it is also critical that we “shout out” the institutional practices at their root. We must acknowledge
the inherent dialectical tensions that result as universities seek to create diversity without honoring the underlying ideologies and
values of diversity/inclusion and without pursuing the fundamental institutional transformations required. Finally, we also honor
those African American women who endured so that we may pay it forward toward change.
My presence signals that in this „„ivory‟‟ tower there are and always have been pioneers in academia who have come before me.
My presence paves the way for other women and women of color who will come after me. Further, I am given the chance to
give back to all of those who encouraged me. I am given the opportunity to work for the betterment of all. (Patton)
I am looking for real honest colleagues who assume that my ways of being (my culture), my ways of knowing (my theory), and
my ways of leading (culturally engaged) are not less rigorous or righteous or real than their own but instead a place from which I
center and make sense of my work as an African-American woman. (Dillard)
�
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2010 conference materials
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Outsiders Within: African American Women in the Academy
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Andrea G. Hunter, Tammy L. Henderson
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outsiders-within-african-american-women-academy
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Nov-10
-
https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/a1d1110c6620e69096754111c4c6f377.pdf
ef325f4f229c5fb6032c0c1d850e3888
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Holtrop, K., Escobar-Chew, A. R., & Parra-Cardona, J. R. (2011, November). Culturally adapting an
evidence-based parenting intervention for Latinos/as. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
National Council on Family Relations. Orlando, FL.
Culturally Adapting an
Evidence-based Parenting
Intervention for Latinos/as
1
Research Team
J. Rubén Parra-Cardona (PI)
Cris Sullivan
Deborah Bybee
Rocío Escobar-Chew
Christine Clippert
Lisa Fitton
Sheena Horsford
Michigan State University
Kendal Holtrop, PhD
The Florida State University
Melanie Domenech Rodríguez
Utah State University
Rocío Escobar, MA
Brian Dates
Florys Gonzáles-Meredith
Mónica Villa
Southwest Solutions
Michigan State University
J. Rubén Parra-Cardona, PhD
Michigan State University
Kendal Holtrop
The Florida State University
2
Marion Forgatch
Implementation Sciences
International, Inc.
Lisa Tams
Ann Romo
Efraín Zamudio
José A. Samano
María Loyola
Claudia González
MSU - Extension
Guillermo Bernal
University of Puerto Rico,
Río Piedras
Nancy G. Amador Buenabad
Mexican Institute of Psychiatry
A Project Funded by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), Division
of Services and Intervention Research, Child and Adolescent Preventive
Intervention Program, Grant #5R34MH087678-02
Background
3
Ethnic minorities in US experience mental
health disparities
4
Research Question
Latinos/as
Need to culturally adapt evidence-based
interventions for ethnic minorities
What adaptations are
necessary to achieve cultural
relevance and efficacy in a
parenting intervention?
Cultural adaptation vs. fidelity debate
5
Current Study
Population: Latino/a immigrant
parents in Detroit, MI
Parent Management Training – Oregon (PMTO)
Community-Based Participatory Research
R34 Grant from NIMH
Phase 1: Pilot study examining feasibility
and cultural acceptability
Phase 2: Implement RCT to compare efficacy
6
Pilot Study Design
Goal: Compare and contrast two culturally
adapted versions of PMTO
CAPAS – Original
Linguistically and culturally appropriate
translation of original PMTO intervention
CAPAS – Enhanced
Same translation as CAPAS - Original, plus:
Two culturally focused sessions
Reflections on cultural relevance of core
components
1
�Holtrop, K., Escobar-Chew, A. R., & Parra-Cardona, J. R. (2011, November). Culturally adapting an
evidence-based parenting intervention for Latinos/as. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
National Council on Family Relations. Orlando, FL.
Intervention Curricula
Session
CAPAS-Original
1
Introduction to PMTO
2
3
Giving Good Directions
Teaching through
Encouragement I
Teaching through
Encouragement II
Booster Session
Setting Limits I
Setting Limits II
Setting Limits III
Booster Session
Problem Solving
Monitoring
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Celebration Dinner and
Focus Group
7
8
Pilot Study Methods
CAPAS-Enhanced
Being a Latino Immigrant
Parent/
Introduction to PMTO
Giving Good Directions
Teaching through
Encouragement I
Teaching Through
Encouragement II
Setting Limits I
Setting Limits II
Setting Limits III
Booster Session
Problem Solving
Monitoring
Parenting Between Two
Cultures
Celebration Dinner and
Focus Group
Participants
Participants
12 two-parent families (24 participants)
6 families in CAPAS – Original
6 families in CAPAS – Enhanced
Low to moderate child behavior problems
Comprehensive assessments
Training assessment team
Preliminary results: Feasibility & Satisfaction
9
10
Original
Enhanced
Family Characteristics
Participating Families
6
6
Annual Family Income
$10,000-20,000
2 (33%)
3 (50%)
$21,000-30,000
0 (0%)
3 (50%)
$31,000-40,000
4 (67%)
0 (0%)
3.17 (±1.60)
2.83 (±1.17)
Average # of Childrena
Individual Characteristics
Participating Individuals
12
12
Mothers
6
6
Fathers
6
6
Country of Origin: Mexico
12
12
39.67 (±7.08) 35.92 (±5.48)
Average Parent Ageb
15.92 (±6.86) 14.83 (±4.20)
Average Years Living in USc
a t(10) = -0.41, p = .69
b t(22) = -1.45, p = .16
c t(22) = -0.47, p = .65
Preliminary Findings:
Pilot Study
Quantitative
Satisfaction Ratings
11
Engagement & Retention
High E & R in both interventions
100% of parents attended at least 6 of 12 sessions
92% of parents attended at least 9 of 12 sessions
Parents attending all 12/12 sessions
CAPAS – Original: 4 (33%)
CAPAS – Enhanced 5 (42%)
Role of make-up sessions
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
CAPAS - Original
Introduction
Giving Good Directions
Encouragement I
Encouragement II
Booster
Setting Limits I
Setting Limits II
Setting Limits III
Booster
Monitoring
Problem Solving
Average
12
Mean
Rating
Mean
CAPAS - Enhanced
Rating
Being a Latino
‐‐‐
4.70
Immigrant Parent
4.44 Giving Good Directions 4.57
4.39 Encouragement I
4.49
4.41 Encouragement II
4.38
4.42 Setting Limits I
4.41
4.49 Setting Limits II
4.61
4.29 Setting Limits III
4.57
4.24 Booster
4.59
4.49 Monitoring
4.49
4.53 Problem Solving
4.70
4.53 Parenting Two Cultures 4.62
4.42* Average
4.55*
*t(22) = 2.954, p < .01
2
�Holtrop, K., Escobar-Chew, A. R., & Parra-Cardona, J. R. (2011, November). Culturally adapting an
evidence-based parenting intervention for Latinos/as. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
National Council on Family Relations. Orlando, FL.
13
14
Intervention Satisfaction
Parents in both interventions expressed high
satisfaction with PMTO principles and skills
Preliminary Findings:
Pilot Study
“We all want [to provide] a good upbringing for our
children but we were on a wrong path until we came
to group and realized what we were doing wrong. Our
task as parents is just beginning and we’re starting to
change the habits we had. We
have a big task ahead of us
and I believe it will be much
better from now on.”
> CAPAS–Original Participant
Qualitative
Intervention Satisfaction
15
“The incentive charts have helped us a lot
because my kids are now doing things that they
did not do before. They changed with the
incentives. It really surprised me and the charts
have helped us a lot.”
Intervention Satisfaction
16
“I used to say to my child, “Do this right now”
and I would snap my fingers. Now, I say, “It’s
five steps you need to do [incentive chart] and
you will win two points… Now, they smile as I
motivate them. It’s a big difference. Before,
they had a sad face because I was yelling all
the time. Now, I use motivation and they smile
and follow my directions.”
> CAPAS–Original Participant
“Learning how to discipline my kid
has helped me because I can use
authority but without hurting him.”
> CAPAS–Enhanced Participant
> CAPAS–Enhanced Participant
Intervention Satisfaction
“I liked that group leaders did role plays by
playing the roles of parents and children.
They gave us clear and precise instructions
about role plays and they helped a lot.”
> CAPAS–Original Participant
17
Intervention Satisfaction
18
CAPAS-Enhanced participants emphasized the
importance of covering relevant cultural issues
Being immigrant parents
Learning how to be a bicultural family
“I would suggest giving more time to talk about
living in this culture. It was very fast what we
reviewed on that day [Session on Biculturalism].
Perhaps adding one more class to receiving more
orientation about the American culture… I’m not
sure about how to help my kid with these issues.”
3
�Holtrop, K., Escobar-Chew, A. R., & Parra-Cardona, J. R. (2011, November). Culturally adapting an
evidence-based parenting intervention for Latinos/as. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the
National Council on Family Relations. Orlando, FL.
Intervention Satisfaction
19
“I thought that the classes on
culture were perfect… It’s a tool
that can help us as parents to be
grounded here in this culture.
These are the main points I’d
like to learn: First, to know
more about my own culture, and
second, how can I raise my kid in
the American culture?”
21
Next Steps
20
Empirically examine differential efficacy
Randomized Controlled Trial
- 32 families CAPAS-Original
- 32 families CAPAS-Enhanced
- 24 wait-list control
Mixed-method evaluation approach
6-Month Follow up
About to complete 2nd Wave!
Implications
22
Cultural relevance can be achieved without altering the
core components of intervention
Balance of fidelity and cultural adaptation
An Insider Perspective:
Insights from the
Project Managers
Research
Examine differentially adapted interventions
Use of mixed-methods
Practice of Family Therapy
Cultural sensitivity and relevance
Application of evidence-based parenting skills
Model effective parenting skills vs. confrontation
23
Additional Information
In-press article in Family Process:
Parra-Cardona, J. R., Domenech Rodríguez, M., Forgatch, M. S.,
Sullivan, C., Bybee, D., Tams, L., Holtrop, K., Escobar-Chew, A. R.,
Dates, B., & Bernal, G. (in press). Culturally adapting an evidencebased parenting intervention for Latino immigrants: The need to
integrate fidelity and cultural relevance. Family Process.
Kendal Holtrop
kholtrop@fsu.edu
Rocío Escobar
escobarc@msu.edu
J. Rubén Parra-Cardona
parracar@hdfs.msu.edu
4
�
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Culturally Adapting an Evidence-based Parenting Intervention for Latinos/as - Handout
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by: Kendal Holtrop, Ana Rocío Escobar-Chew, J. Rub
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fadef286a2507ebe09aee270b0c721d8
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Text
In defense of the Helicopter Parent—it’s taking
longer to grow up
By Nancy Gonzalez, CFLE
Posted by Nancy Gonzalez | March 08, 2011
One of my favorite hobbies is to read NCFR members' books. I
recently read a book by NCFR member and my colleague Richard
Settersten, coauthored with Barbara Rey, titled Not Quite Adults:
Why 20Something are Choosing a Slower Path to Adulthood, and
Why it's Good for Everyone. "I couldn't put it down" is such a
hackneyed term that even high school essayists won't use it. But in
my case, it's true. I haven't plowed through a book this fast since
the Da Vinci Code.
Not Quite Adults explains the phenomenon of the lengthening
duration from high school graduation and attaining what has been
the experience of transitioning to adulthood of the past few decades. Young adults are meeting the
sociological markers of leaving home, finishing school, finding work, getting married and having kids in
a more lengthy and often reordered way.
The book had so much meaning for me, for three reasons. First, the content was coauthored by a first
rate scholar. Rick is Professor and the Director of the Hallie Ford Center for Healthy Children and
Families at Oregon State University. Moreover, I could identify with every word because I am the mom
of a transitioning adult. It affirmed what I am noticing intuitivelythat the time elapsing from adolescence
to adulthood, as it was defined back in my day, has stretched and that today's young adults need a
head start, including supportive parents, to make the leap.
Finally, it confirmed a trend that I began to see increasingly in my previous 15 year career as an
academic adviser at a Big Ten university. I worked a lot with older students, returning to college in their
late 20s or 30s. Typically, they had bailed out after a year or two of college due to lack of funds, or
some life circumstance of some kind (such as having a child) or because of some overall confusion or
lack of direction. They didn't have a safety net and, by the look of their transcripts, they hadn't found an
adviser who gave them a game plan. By the time they arrived at my desk, most of them needed well
over 60 semester credits and hundreds and hundreds of dollars in tuition. I saw a steady stream of
prospective students in my career who had no savings and were sometimes living hand to mouth. They
could just not scrape up the money to start over. Furthermore, they recognized the precarious situation
they were in and were reluctant to pursue student loans even though it would be the best investment
long term. The authors describe the concepts of "good debt" and "bad debt." A car depreciates the
minute you drive it off the lot. A college education just keeps paying dividends throughout a lifetime.
�The authors are especially interested in understanding some of the differences between "swimmers"
and "treaders." Swimmers get off to the right start. They have a leg up due to booster parents or a
fortuitous combination of mentoring and funding. They are able to attain higher education, then a job,
and then pursue homeownership and family formation once they are financially established. Treaders
get sidelined due to cumulative disadvantage and, in the absence of the right kind of encouragement
and support, they are constantly playing catchup and can't get a foothold on life's ladder.
Get ready for some mythbusting backed by bulletproof scholarly data. The media is rife with
judgmental conventional wisdom that what we have here is a "failure to launch." The authors stress the
modern truth: " ... what's different today is that the stakes on all fronts are much higher. Poor judgments
and small mistakes on the road to adulthood are all substantially more perilous than they were just a
decade ago. In an increasingly winnertakesall society, there is little room for missteps. With missteps,
the opportunity to succeedthe bedrock of Americafades. The result: a world that opens up widely to
some while narrowing for others, with a shrinking middle in between."
Finally, for parents like me, this book removes the shame that society is attempting to foist on us... that
we are crippling our young adults by not tossing them out of nest to "sink" or "swim." There are horror
stories of overinvolvementsuch as enmeshed parents calling professors or employers to intercede for
their childrenbut there has never been more need for a mentoring parent in a couple generations.
Our son, if we have anything to say about it, is going to get a full ride through a Bachelor's degree and,
after he completes his degree, he is welcome to live with Dad and I, to come and go as he pleases,
until he has his first job and can sock away a little cash. My favorite quote from the entire book is this:
"Involved parents, and even the helicopter parents of media fame, aren't so bad after allespecially in
contrast with parents who give no support at all. It's far worse to have uninvolved parents than it is to
have superinvolved ones. Rather than a sign of weakness, involved parents provide young people with
advantages, including advice, funds, a roof and a bed, and connections. "
This is where the book launches the rest of us NCFR members into our responsibilities and what we
can donamely, start a dialog about launching the young adult in the form of family life education. What
does being a healthy springboard for our children look like? And what is the point of overdoing? Right
now I'm muddling through with the guideline of teaching him to fish. We need parent education for a
new developmental stageand fast. The rules have changed, and this trend is here to say.
This book is a fantastic read about a critical change in our society. It's in paperback and is therefore
quite affordable. I couldn't recommend it more.
If you're an auditory learner, Rick gave a wonderful interview on American Public Radio's Marketplace
recently. I also direct interested readers to the rich research available on the website for the MacArthur
Foundation's Network on Transitions to Adulthood, of which Rick is one of the renowned scholars.
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<p>Insights and musings on all things related to family science. We hope you'll join the conversation.</p>
<p><em>The views expressed in this blog may not represent the views of the entire NCFR organization.</em></p>
Text
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In defense of the Helicopter Parent
Description
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<p><em>A book review:</em></p><p><em>Not Quite Adults</em> explains the phenomenon of the lengthening duration from high school graduation and attaining what has been the experience of transitioning to adulthood of the past few decades. Young adults are meeting the sociological markers of leaving home, finishing school, finding work, getting married and having kids in a more lengthy and often reordered way. </p>
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Nancy Gonzalez, CFLE
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defense-helicopter-parent-it-s-taking-longer-grow
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4cc6b598b300113df7dc378e5c6791e1
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Text
Students and New Professionals 2014 sessions
“Howto" sessions, research in action, and career development — open to all!
Students and New Professionals (SNP) sessions are supported by the
SNP Leadership Council and Steering Committee. Ron Cox, Ph.D., is
the SNP conference program representative.
All SNP sessions are sponsored by Oklahoma
State University.
Wednesday, Nov. 19
Master's Degree in International Family
Studies (Live Stream)
8:30 to 9:45 a.m.
A collaboration around curriculum, teaching, and learning, and the internationallybased master's degree
program at the University of Nebraska. (International Section and the Global Consortium for International
Family Studies; special session)
Research with Marginalized Populations: Global Challenges and Processes
1:30 to 2:45 p.m.
Details to come. (SNP; symposium)
Newcomers Reception
3 to 4:15 p.m.
Reception
Conference firsttimers (and even secondtimers): Learn how to get what you need from the NCFR
conference in this informative session. Plus, a look at how NCFR can become your professional home, a
place where you belong. (NCFR; reception)
(NotsoSpeedy) Speed Mentoring
8 to 9:30 p.m.
A conference highlight reworked to allow you a few minutes at a time with a veteran professional to talk
about your career plans and progress. There will be more space, less frenzy, and clear organization by
career goal or professional interest area. (SNP; workshop)
2015 NCFR Student Service Project Kickoff Meeting
Immediately following speed mentoring
�This is an organization and planning meeting for a 2015 national service project by NCFR students
(including student affiliate groups) to identify a charity or nonprofit for which to collect donations in 2015;
discuss organizing at the local level; and determine a timeline for the collection.
Thursday, Nov. 20
Postdoctoral Study: NIH Mock Review Panel Workshop
12:30 to 2:30 p.m.
An overview of participants in a comprehensive grantwriting program who are developing their careers
through fellowships with the Center for Family Resiliency PostDoctoral Training Program (CFRPDTP) at
Oklahoma State University. (SNP; special session)
SNP Roundtables
4:45 to 6 p.m.
Preparing competitive graduate program applications
Mentoring undergraduate research in the social sciences
Putting your research passion into action: Forming a nonprofit
Friday, Nov. 21
So You Want to Address Poverty, Build Family Resiliency, and Fix the System: What
You Need to Know First
8:30 to 9:45 a.m.
Renowned experts Kathryn Edin, Ph.D., Johns Hopkins University, and Ron Haskins, Ph.D., Brookings
Institution, provide perspectives on qualitative findings, demography, and policy issues to inform the
direction we need to take in studying and working with families if we are to make a difference through our
research, practice, and policy. (Host: SNP/Research and Theory Section. Session type: special session)
Not all Evidence is Created Equal: Translating Research Into Programs for Families,
Youth, and Children
10 to 11:15 a.m.
Whether researcher or practitioner, translating research into usable programs to help families is why most
of you are in the family field. This session will review of evidencebased programs and reasons why
research paradigms are shifting to translational research; it also will provide steps to develop and evaluate
programs. (SNP/Education and Enrichment Section; special session)
How To Become a Certified Family Life Educator (CFLE)
11:30 a.m. to 12:45 p.m.
(NCFR; special session)
Outside the Ivory Tower: The NonAcademic Job Market for Social Science Ph.D.s
11:30 a.m. to 1:15 p.m.
What can you do with an advanced degree in the family field, besides teach? Learn from professionals in
government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, nonprofit foundations, institutes, publishers, and
other organizations that offer exciting yet often unconsidered careers in research, analysis, policy, program
delivery/evaluation, educational planning, advocacy, and outreach. (SNP/Family Science Section; special
session)
Job Search Career Options for Bachelors and Master's Graduates
�2 to 4 p.m.
The purpose of this workshop is to highlight several family science job options for those with a family
science bachelors or master’s degree. Those thinking about a career change also might find value in this
workshop. Panelists and roundtable presenters will profile several careers.
University Receptions
6:15 to 7:30 p.m.
The ultimate family college fair. Learn about degree programs, chat with faculty, and connect with
colleagues. Don't forget the great information, food, and prizes! (NCFR; reception)
Saturday, Nov. 22
Engaging in the Fulbright Scholar Experience
8:30 to 9:45 a.m.
Reflections from a "Fulbrighter." Patricia Hyjer Dyk, Ph.D. (SNP/International Section; special session)
The Gathering Place
Meet up with other students and new professionals to hang out and chat, or stop in for one of the informal
roundtables on career and professional development topics (tentatively planned). Stay tuned for details on
the Gathering Place hours and schedule.
(Session details and schedules are subject to change.)
National Council on Family Relations | 1201 West River Parkway · Suite 200 · Minneapolis, MN 55454 · 888.781.9331
Privacy Policy | Terms of Use | © 2017. All rights reserved.
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�
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2014 conference materials
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Students and New Professionals 2014 sessions
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"How-to" sessions, research in action, and career development
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snp-sessions-ncfr-2014
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November 2014
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https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/d83f9bd85dc764e0d11fecefc92a8ad6.pdf
0b5e2fdf91ba157f8c99b5b2358e0097
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Text
Age Difference in Marriage: Exploring Predictors of Marital Quality in Husband-Older, Wife-Older,
and Same-Age Marriage
Brandan Wheeler, MS; Shayden Bertagnolli, MS – Auburn University
Jeremy Yorgason, PhD – Brigham Young University
Introduction
During the 1980s, the topic of age-differentiated marriages was
studied extensively, with more than 30 studies addressing the issue.
Results of these early studies and more recent studies have been
inconsistent in their findings. Two reasons for these inconsistencies
may be the difficulty in conceptualizing age differences between
spouses and in examining age difference as a categorical variable. The
most common definition used in studies has been an age difference of
either 4 or 6 years (Amato et al., 2003; Fields & Casper, 2001).
However, studies have examined age differences ranging anywhere
between 1 and 25 years (Barnes, 2005; Shehan et al., 1991). Another
concern is using age differences as a categorical variable, using the
common groupings of (1) husbands older than 5 years, (2) husbands
older by 2-4 years, (3) husbands older by 0-2 years, and (4) all wifeolder marriages (Heaton, 2002). Social acceptance of heterogamous
relationships has increased over the past several decades. Therefore,
a reexamination of age differences between spouses is warranted. The
purpose of the current study is to examine age differences continuously
and categorically, by examining direct and indirect effects on 5 marital
outcomes: marital happiness, spousal interaction, divorce proneness,
marital problems, and spousal disagreements.
Figure 1. SEM Path Analysis Examining Direct and
Indirect Effects of Age Difference on Five
Marital Outcomes for Full Sample (N = 2,148).
Participants
•2,189 married respondents from the nationally representative “Marital Instability over
the Life Course” Cross-Sectional Study (Booth, Johnson, Amato, & Rogers, 2000)
• Participants consisted of 960 men (43.9%) and 1,229 women (56.1%)
• Average age was 39.45, with a range from 19-55
• Ethnicity was predominately Caucasian (83.7%)
• Most respondents had graduated from high school and attended some college
Measures and Procedures
•Predictor Variables:
• Age Difference between Spouses (1-item, M = 3.8, SD = 4.9, Range = 0-42)
•Traditional Sex Role Scale (7-items, α = .66, M = 2.19, SD = .53, range 1.00-4.00)
• Male Dominance in Decision Making (1-item, M = 3.43, SD = 1.14, range 1.006.00)
• Traditional View of Household Chores (1-item, M = 3.62, SD = .76, range 1.005.00)
• Age at Current Marriage (1-item, M = 26.3, SD = 6.9, Range = 13-54)
• Years Married to Current Spouse (1-item, M = 13.2, SD = 9.4, Range = 0-41)
• Number of Marriages (1-item, Husband: M = 1.3, SD = 0.5, Range = 1-5; Wife: M
= 1.2, SD = 0.5, Range = 1-5)
• Outcome Variables:
• Marital Happiness (11-items, α = .89, M = 2.58, SD = .39, range 1.09-3.00)
• Spousal Interaction (5-items, α = .69, M = 2.97, SD = .63, range 1.00-4.00)
• Divorce Proneness (27-items, Logged, α = .76, M = 0.12, SD = .08, range 0.000.69)
• Marital Problems (13-items, α = .78, M = 0.19, SD = .20, range 0.00-0.92)
• Spousal Disagreement (4-items, α = .48, M = 3.50, SD = 2.19, range 0.00-12.00)
• Pathway analyses using MPLUS
• Four Group Comparison
• Full Sample (N = 2,148; Magedif = 3.8 years, SD = 4.9, Range = 0-42)
• Husband-Older Marriages (n = 433; Magedif = 6.5 years, SD = 5.3, Range = 3-42)
•Wife-Older Marriages (n = 570; Magedif = 7.3 years, SD = 5.8 Range = 3-39)
•Same-Age Marriages (n = 1,145; Magedif = 1.0 years, SD = 0.8, Range = 0-2)
• Indirect Effects:
• Age difference between spouses was positively associated with more Traditional Sex Roles
(β = 0.06, p < .10, R2 = 0.4%), Age at Marriage (β = 0.06, p < .05, R2 = 0.4%), Number of Marriages
(Husbands: β = 0.29, p < .001, R2 = 8.6%; Wives: β = 0.14, p < .001, R2 = 1.9%).
• Traditional Sex Roles were negatively associated with Spousal Disagreements (β = -0.09,
p < .05).
• Age at Marriage was negatively associated with Divorce Proneness (β = -0.17, p < .01), Marital
Problems (β = -0.15, p < .05), and Spousal Disagreements (β = -0.12, p < .05).
• Number of Wife’s Marriages was positively associated with Divorce Proneness (β = 0.11, p <
.05) and Marital Problems (β = 0.10, p < .10).
• Variance Explained:
• Marital Happiness (6.2%)
• Spousal Interaction (8.9%)
• Divorce Proneness (4.6%)
• Marital Problems (2.4%)
• Spousal Disagreements (4.5%)
Results – Same-Age Subsample (n = 1,145)
Methods
(68.5%)
Results – Wife-Older Subsample (n = 570)
Results – Full Sample (N = 2,148)
See Figure 1 for results of a SEM path analysis for the entire sample.
Results – Husband-Older Subsample (n = 433)
• Direct Effects:
• Age Difference between spouses was negatively associated with Spousal Interaction (β =
-0.09, p < .10) and positively associated with Spousal Disagreements (β = 0.08, p < .10).
• Indirect Effects:
• Age difference between spouses was positively associated with more Traditional Sex
Roles (β = 0.06, p < .10, R2 = 0.3%), Age at Marriage (β = 0.06, p < .05, R2 = 0.4%), and Number
of Wife’s Marriages (β = 0.16, p < .001, R2 = 2.5%).
• Traditional Sex Roles were negatively associated with Marital Happiness (β = -0.17, p < .01)
and positively associated with both Divorce Proneness (β = 0.09, p < .10) and Marital
Problems (β = 0.16, p < .01).
• Age at Marriage was negatively associated with Marital Problems (β = -0.17, p < .01) and
Spousal Disagreements (β = -0.20, p < .01).
• Wife’s Number of Marriages was positively associated with Divorce Proneness (β = 0.13,
p < .05), Marital Problems (β = 0.11, p < .05), and Spousal Disagreements (β = 0.12, p < .05).
• Variance Explained:
• Marital Happiness (3.9%)
• Spousal Interaction (4.9%)
• Divorce Proneness (5.2%)
• Marital Problems (8.9%)
• Spousal Disagreements (9.2%)
• Indirect Effects:
• Age difference between spouses was positively associated with more Traditional Sex Roles
(β = 0.28, p < .10, R2 = 0.0%), Age at Marriage (β = 0.01, p < .05, R2 = 0.0%), Number of Wife’s
Marriages (β = 0.02, p < .001, R2 = 0.1%).
• Traditional Sex Roles were positively associated with Marital Problems (β = 0.08, p < .01).
• Age at Marriage was negatively associated with Divorce Proneness (β = -0.17, p < .001),
Marital Problems (β = -0.11, p < .01), and Spousal Disagreements (β = -0.12, p < .01).
• Number of Wife’s Marriages was negatively associated with Marital Happiness (β = -0.11,
p < .01) and positively associated with Divorce Proneness (β = 0.08, p < .05) and Marital
Problems (β = 0.11, p < .01).
• Variance Explained:
• Marital Happiness (2.6%)
• Spousal Interaction (2.5%)
• Divorce Proneness (2.3%)
• Marital Problems (2.8%)
• Spousal Disagreements (3.9%)
Discussion and Conclusion
From a cross-sectional perspective, age difference between spouses does not have much
impact in predicting multiple marital outcomes, although a longitudinal study may highlight different
results.
From the Full Sample analyses, age differences were found to be negatively related to Spousal
Interaction (e.g., time spent together). This pattern held true for the Husband-Older Marriages, but not
among the other groupings. Husband-Older Marriages also demonstrated a direct positive
relationship with Spousal Disagreements. In essence, as the husband’s age difference was higher,
time spent together was lower and marital problems were higher. These two relationships might be
explained because older husbands may have less in common with younger wives. As such, finding
joint activities with wives may be more difficult in husband-older marriages.
A common pattern that emerged was the positive relationship between Age Differences and
traditional Sex Roles. The higher the age difference, the more traditional these sex roles were.
However, the traditional Sex Roles had different relationships with marital outcomes, depending on
the grouping examined. Among the Full Sample and the Husband-Older marriages, more traditional
Sex Roles were negatively associated with Marital Happiness. Among all but the Wife-Older
Marriages, a positive relationship was found between more traditional Sex Roles and Marital
Problems. Among the Wife-Older Marriages, no relationship was found with Marital Problems, but a
negative relationship was found with Spousal Disagreements. As the sex role was more traditional,
these participants reported fewer spousal disagreements. Further research is needed to explain this
latter finding among Wife-Older Marriages.
Age differences were found to be associated with age at marriage, years married, and number
of marriages across the groupings. However, it is uncertain if age difference were predicting these
variables, or if these variables were predicting age differences. Most likely the influence is bidirectional. However, the number of marriages, particularly for wives, predicted consistently negative
marital outcomes, regardless of grouping.
Within these analyses, age differences were not associated significantly with household chores
and husband dominance, although these variables did predict multiple marital outcomes. Age
differences were predictive of the other intervening variables, but the level of prediction was limited,
as reflected by the amount of variance explained.
�
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Age Differences in Marriage: Exploring Marital Quality in Husband-older, Wife-older, and Same-age Marriages
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Identifier
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age-differences-marriage-exploring-marital-quality-husband-older-wi
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 2012
-
https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/947a96e4ab6d7056b1834caa7d167ef6.pdf
8a30227faaf4f07b4f83e038fc56075d
PDF Text
Text
Figure 1: Working Diagram of New Integrated Model
A Non-Marital Dissolution Study
By Nicole Stork-Hestad, M.S.; Dr. Jason Hans; and Dr. Ronald J. Werner-Wilson
Introduction
Understanding the end of romantic relationships was important because of the influence severing
intimate ties with another can have on a individual. “Ending of close relationships can be one of life’s
most difficult events” (Priest, Burnett, Thompson, Vogel, & Schvanevedlt, 2009, 48); this was probably
why studying the causes and attributions of such events was so intriguing. Generally, a person was
satisfied with the relationship to the extent that “perceived rewards from the relationship are high,
perceived costs of being in the relationship are low, and the relationship was seen as meeting an
internalized standard of what a ‘good’ relationship should be” (Rusbult, 1983 as cited by Kurdek, 1994,
p. 924).
Assuming that “relationships tend to form and endure so long as exchanges are sufficiently rewarding
to all participants” (Bengtson, V., Acock, A., Allen, K., Dilworth-Anderson, P., & Klein, D., 2005, p. 42),
the standard of “good” may be under constant evaluation. Presumably, if two individuals desire to be
in a romantic relationship with one another, then observation of attempts and individual evaluation of
said attempts to balance positive and negative exchanges should be noted between the partners. At
times, the evaluation of "good" by one or both partners may contribute to the ending of a relationship
supposing the costs were assessed to have increased or the rewards decreased.
The Problem
Originally, the present study was going to examine breakups that occurred within the target
population, Emerging Adults, in general . However, upon conducting the literature review, it became
evident that the act of terminating a romantic relationship could be tied to very specific reasons, three
reasons in particular. However, no one study had included each of the three dissolution types in order
to be compared and contrasted with one another. In order to encapsulate all known termination
options and to gain a better understanding of non-marital, romantic relationship dissolutions that
occur within the emerging adult population the present study investigated characteristics surrounding
three different classifications or types of non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution: (a) normal
dyadic dissolution, (b) fatal attraction, and (c) social allergies.
The researcher wanted to know, what predictors, if any, could be detected among the responses that
fell within each of the breakup classifications? One goal was to find evidence of predictor variables
within the three different breakup classifications, as well as compare and contrast their various
overlaps and differences. Based on the literature, the following hypotheses were formed:
H1: Normal dyadic dissolution would be more common than social allergen or fatal attraction among
participants who reported: (a) non-dependence between themselves and their ex-partners, (b)
the inability to be themselves when they were with their ex-partners, (c) discordant levels of love and
commitment between themselves their ex-partners, (d) a perceived imbalance of “give” and “take,” or
(e) little to no support from family or friends or from their ex-partners’ family or friends.
H2: Fatal attraction dissolution would be more common than social allergen or normal dyadic
dissolution among participants who reported: initial attraction to the strength and disenchantment
with the weakness of a personality characteristic, or being primarily or solely responsible for their
breakups.
H3: Fatal attraction would be less common than social allergen and normal dyadic dissolution in
serious, monogamous, moderately to highly committed relationships.
H4: Social allergen dissolution would be more common than fatal attraction and normal dyadic
dissolution among participants who reported exposure to crude, rude, invasive, or norm violating
behaviors.
H5: Duration of relationships the preceded fatal attraction dissolution would be shorter than duration
of relationships that preceded social allergen or normal dyadic dissolution, but the duration of social
allergen and normal dyadic dissolution relationships would not vary.
H6: Positive feelings about a breakup would be positively associated with taking primary or sole
responsible for the breakup.
A second goal was to determine if age correlated with the three breakup classifications. The present
study was centered on non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution in a targeted population referred
to as “emerging adults,” which are individuals who are between the ages of eighteen and twenty nine.
This age group was of particular interest because the formation and severance of emerging adult,
romantic relationships is directly related to identity solidification, maturation, and future goal
obtainment. Understanding how an emerging adult justified terminating a romantic relationship or
handled a romantic relationship termination initiated by a partner could provide information about
said emerging adults overall development in the area of intimate relationship formation, maintenance,
and termination.
Methods
Results
Participants
There were 321 participants, 25% male and 77% female. The mean average age of the participants was 23.7 years old.
Ninety percent of the sample reported their racial/ethnic group to be White/ Caucasian; 3.9% self-reported as being Black/
African American; and 5.7% self-reported being another racial group. Fifty-four percent of participants reported their
highest level of education as having completed some college, but have not yet obtained a Bachelor’s degree; 20% reported
completing their Bachelor’s degree; and 26% reported their highest level of education completed as something other than
completing some college or receiving a Bachelor’s degree. Inclusion criteria were: participants had to be between 18 and
29 years of age and experienced non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution at least once prior to the present study.
In an effort to obtain the maximum amount of participants, the questionnaire was made accessible through the internet.
Participants were able to self-administer the questionnaire at their own leisure in the environment of their choice. All
participants self-selected to complete the questionnaire, which was distributed through campus email, classroom
promotion, and word of mouth. No informed consent signature was obtained, and no compensation for participation was
award.
Measures
A 78 item questionnaire was created to determine a) the type of romantic relationship dissolution experienced by the
participant, b) what relationship characteristics, if any, were distinguished as being linked to a particular type of
dissolution, and c) how much responsibility the participant assumed for the dissolution and what effect that had on
feelings experienced coinciding with the dissolution. Prior to the present study, a pilot study was administered. That
questionnaire had 53, mostly open-ended items, which were modeled after the research and results of Felmlee, Sprecher,
& Bassin (1990), Felmlee (2001), and Cunningham, Shamblen, Barbee, & Ault (2005) and designed to measure the
frequency of normal dyadic dissolution, fatal attraction dissolution, and social allergen dissolution in participants. While
the above researchers used pre-existing measures, the decision to create an original questionnaire was made with the
intent of achieving maximum face validity. No one questionnaire had compared the three dissolution categories prior to
the pilot.
The 78 item, mostly close-ended questionnaire was developed inductively, with the use of the pilot questionnaire as a
primary source. The open-ended style of the pilot questionnaire proved to be exhausting and frustrating to code due to an
overwhelming rate of non-descriptive responses. Close-ended questions were then developed, and the choices following
those questions were created from the answers that participants gave in response to the pilot questionnaire.
Demographic Measures. Obtaining these facts provided not only information about the participating sample, but informed
the researcher of any basic difference between the participant and ex-partner that might have been a catalyst to the
dissolution. Specifically six items were constructed to obtain information about the former relationship between
participant and ex-partner.
Normal Dyadic Dissolution Measures. Fourteen items were constructed to measure whether or not former couple
experienced gradual separation from one another due to barriers created by the individual, dyad, or surrounding
social/environmental influences (i.e. social networks). Those participants who reported lower dependence levels, lower
levels of perceived commitment and love, perceived an imbalanced give-to-take ratio, and perceived lower levels of social
support from either family members or friends were labeled as having experienced a barrier(s) that could have contributed
to a normal dyadic dissolution.
Fatal Attraction Dissolution Measure. Seven items were constructed to determine whether or not a participant had
experienced one or more fatal attractions during the former with relationship with the ex-partner. Participants were then
asked what about the ex-partner was first attractive: personality, physical features, or common interests. Participants were
then presented with 48 personality qualities that have positive connotations, for example: adventurous, affectionate,
and/or ambitious. Later on, participants were presented with 56 synonyms of the original 48 personality qualities that have
negative connotations. Participants who chose both the positive (i.e. adventurous) and the negative (i.e. unreliable)
synonym were considered to have found the same quality both initially attractive and conclusively least attractive. These
participants were labeled as having experienced a fatal attraction during their former relationship.
Social Allergen Dissolution Measures. Thirteen items were constructed to measure whether or not the participant
experienced one or more social allergies during the former relationship with the ex-partner. Participants were asked to
indicate how often on a scale from 0 to 5, on which 0 = Never and 5 = Almost Always, they had been exposed to uncouth,
intrusive, invasive, and normal violating behaviors. Participants were also asked to indicate how aware they perceived their
ex-partners to be of their committal of said behaviors, and the level of annoyance said behaviors aroused. Participants who
indicated higher levels of exposure to a said behavior, high perceived awareness by their ex-partners, and high levels of
annoyance due to exposure of said behavior were labeled as having experience a social allergy.
Normal dyadic dissolution occurred in 62%, social allergen dissolution occurred in 27%, and fatal attraction dissolution
occurred in 11% of the participants’ (N= 321) relational demises. RQ1, which asked is age correlated with the three
breakup classifications, and RQ2, which asked what predictors, if any, can be detected among the responses that fall
within each of the breakup classifications, were assessed using a multinomial regression analysis. The multinomial
regression analysis revealed two predictor variables; however, age was not significantly correlated with any of the
breakup categories. First, an emerging adult was one third as likely to experience fatal attraction dissolution (p = .04) as
compared to normal dyadic dissolution if they had not cohabited with their significant other. Second, an emerging
adult was more likely to have perceived family support to have been higher in both fatal attraction (p = .03) and social
allergen dissolutions (p < .01) when compared with those experienced normal dyadic dissolution.
Brief Discussion
No distinctions related to age could be found among normal dyadic, fatal attraction, or social allergen dissolutions.
Gender, educational, racial, and religious differences also appear to be minimal when examined as predictors for a
particular breakup classification, alluding to the idea that heartbreak does not discriminate by demographic. It would
seem that, according to the results of this study, virtually any emerging adult is just as likely to experience one kind of
breakup as another, with a few key exceptions like, perceived family support and whether or not the couple had
cohabitated.
Because few distinctions could be made, and surmountable overlap between the three breakup categories was
prominent, the conclusion one could draw from the present study is that there are not three separate categories of
breaking up. A participant could be labeled as having experienced a fatal attraction even though the relationship
conclusively ended due to normal dyadic dissolution. To rephrase, a participant experienced
attraction/disenchantment issues involving a partner, but ultimately their relationship dissolved due to social factors.
Attraction and social interactions were both components of single dissolution, not necessarily categories of separate
dissolution types.
Perhaps an integrated model of relationship dissolution needs to be made. Because “relationships are complex,
probably it was not surprising that their demise was influenced by several factors” (Felmlee, et al., 1990, p.28). Each
supposed category of dissolution had an emphasis; normal dyadic dissolution was strongly connected to social
interaction within the couple and the social surroundings of the couple. Fatal attraction dissolution was primarily
influenced by attraction and disenchantment of observable components of one’s partner (e.g. physical features,
personality traits, and participation in shared interests). Social allergen dissolution was affected by exposure to and
frequency of habitual behaviors that are usually viewed, at minimum, as irritating. Integration would require future
research to look at the three relationship dissolutions components, instead of at three relationship dissolution
categories. The concept would be that the social, observable (physical and cognitive), and behavioral aspects overlap
within a single relationship, and can contribute as catalyst to either the relationship’s demise or success.
Figure 1: Working Diagram of New Integrated Model
Demographics of the
participant
Demographics of the
participant’s partner
Fatal Attraction(s)
Evaluation of the
relationship’s cost
Normal Dyadic Barrier(s)
Social Allergen(s)
Breakup Category Assignment Measures. One item was created to determine which dissolution type each participant
experienced. Participants were asked to respond to the open-ended question, If you were only allowed to attribute one
reason to the break up of this relationship, what would it be?” Each participant’s response was then coded as a 0, 1, 2, or 3,
with 0 = Unusable Response, 1 = Fatal Attraction Dissolution, 2= Social Allergen Dissolution, and 3 = Normal Dyadic
Dissolution.
Response Correlated with Responsibility Measures. Three items were created to measure the level of responsibility the
participants assumed for their breakups as well as their emotional responses associated with their breakups (both at the
time of dissolution and at present).
Change in the
relationship
Dissolution
Address Cost(s) with
Intent to Alleviate
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
2011 conference materials
Identifier
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ncfr-2011-materials
Text
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Dublin Core
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Title
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Non-marital, Romantic Dissolution
Creator
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<p><em>Poster </em><em>by: </em>Nicole Stork-Hestad, Ronald Werner-Wilson, Jason Hans</p>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
non-marital-romantic-dissolution
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 2011
-
https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/2ea277518607886b188a8cecb0eb3cf3.pdf
8a30227faaf4f07b4f83e038fc56075d
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
2011 conference materials
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ncfr-2011-materials
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Non-marital, Romantic Dissolution
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
<p><em>Poster </em><em>by: </em>Nicole Stork-Hestad, Ronald Werner-Wilson, Jason Hans</p>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
non-marital-romantic-dissolution
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 2011
-
https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/6c9ce2aaabfdaf4eacc9217f57ea8333.pdf
8a30227faaf4f07b4f83e038fc56075d
PDF Text
Text
Figure 1: Working Diagram of New Integrated Model
A Non-Marital Dissolution Study
By Nicole Stork-Hestad, M.S.; Dr. Jason Hans; and Dr. Ronald J. Werner-Wilson
Introduction
Understanding the end of romantic relationships was important because of the influence severing
intimate ties with another can have on a individual. “Ending of close relationships can be one of life’s
most difficult events” (Priest, Burnett, Thompson, Vogel, & Schvanevedlt, 2009, 48); this was probably
why studying the causes and attributions of such events was so intriguing. Generally, a person was
satisfied with the relationship to the extent that “perceived rewards from the relationship are high,
perceived costs of being in the relationship are low, and the relationship was seen as meeting an
internalized standard of what a ‘good’ relationship should be” (Rusbult, 1983 as cited by Kurdek, 1994,
p. 924).
Assuming that “relationships tend to form and endure so long as exchanges are sufficiently rewarding
to all participants” (Bengtson, V., Acock, A., Allen, K., Dilworth-Anderson, P., & Klein, D., 2005, p. 42),
the standard of “good” may be under constant evaluation. Presumably, if two individuals desire to be
in a romantic relationship with one another, then observation of attempts and individual evaluation of
said attempts to balance positive and negative exchanges should be noted between the partners. At
times, the evaluation of "good" by one or both partners may contribute to the ending of a relationship
supposing the costs were assessed to have increased or the rewards decreased.
The Problem
Originally, the present study was going to examine breakups that occurred within the target
population, Emerging Adults, in general . However, upon conducting the literature review, it became
evident that the act of terminating a romantic relationship could be tied to very specific reasons, three
reasons in particular. However, no one study had included each of the three dissolution types in order
to be compared and contrasted with one another. In order to encapsulate all known termination
options and to gain a better understanding of non-marital, romantic relationship dissolutions that
occur within the emerging adult population the present study investigated characteristics surrounding
three different classifications or types of non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution: (a) normal
dyadic dissolution, (b) fatal attraction, and (c) social allergies.
The researcher wanted to know, what predictors, if any, could be detected among the responses that
fell within each of the breakup classifications? One goal was to find evidence of predictor variables
within the three different breakup classifications, as well as compare and contrast their various
overlaps and differences. Based on the literature, the following hypotheses were formed:
H1: Normal dyadic dissolution would be more common than social allergen or fatal attraction among
participants who reported: (a) non-dependence between themselves and their ex-partners, (b)
the inability to be themselves when they were with their ex-partners, (c) discordant levels of love and
commitment between themselves their ex-partners, (d) a perceived imbalance of “give” and “take,” or
(e) little to no support from family or friends or from their ex-partners’ family or friends.
H2: Fatal attraction dissolution would be more common than social allergen or normal dyadic
dissolution among participants who reported: initial attraction to the strength and disenchantment
with the weakness of a personality characteristic, or being primarily or solely responsible for their
breakups.
H3: Fatal attraction would be less common than social allergen and normal dyadic dissolution in
serious, monogamous, moderately to highly committed relationships.
H4: Social allergen dissolution would be more common than fatal attraction and normal dyadic
dissolution among participants who reported exposure to crude, rude, invasive, or norm violating
behaviors.
H5: Duration of relationships the preceded fatal attraction dissolution would be shorter than duration
of relationships that preceded social allergen or normal dyadic dissolution, but the duration of social
allergen and normal dyadic dissolution relationships would not vary.
H6: Positive feelings about a breakup would be positively associated with taking primary or sole
responsible for the breakup.
A second goal was to determine if age correlated with the three breakup classifications. The present
study was centered on non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution in a targeted population referred
to as “emerging adults,” which are individuals who are between the ages of eighteen and twenty nine.
This age group was of particular interest because the formation and severance of emerging adult,
romantic relationships is directly related to identity solidification, maturation, and future goal
obtainment. Understanding how an emerging adult justified terminating a romantic relationship or
handled a romantic relationship termination initiated by a partner could provide information about
said emerging adults overall development in the area of intimate relationship formation, maintenance,
and termination.
Methods
Results
Participants
There were 321 participants, 25% male and 77% female. The mean average age of the participants was 23.7 years old.
Ninety percent of the sample reported their racial/ethnic group to be White/ Caucasian; 3.9% self-reported as being Black/
African American; and 5.7% self-reported being another racial group. Fifty-four percent of participants reported their
highest level of education as having completed some college, but have not yet obtained a Bachelor’s degree; 20% reported
completing their Bachelor’s degree; and 26% reported their highest level of education completed as something other than
completing some college or receiving a Bachelor’s degree. Inclusion criteria were: participants had to be between 18 and
29 years of age and experienced non-marital, romantic relationship dissolution at least once prior to the present study.
In an effort to obtain the maximum amount of participants, the questionnaire was made accessible through the internet.
Participants were able to self-administer the questionnaire at their own leisure in the environment of their choice. All
participants self-selected to complete the questionnaire, which was distributed through campus email, classroom
promotion, and word of mouth. No informed consent signature was obtained, and no compensation for participation was
award.
Measures
A 78 item questionnaire was created to determine a) the type of romantic relationship dissolution experienced by the
participant, b) what relationship characteristics, if any, were distinguished as being linked to a particular type of
dissolution, and c) how much responsibility the participant assumed for the dissolution and what effect that had on
feelings experienced coinciding with the dissolution. Prior to the present study, a pilot study was administered. That
questionnaire had 53, mostly open-ended items, which were modeled after the research and results of Felmlee, Sprecher,
& Bassin (1990), Felmlee (2001), and Cunningham, Shamblen, Barbee, & Ault (2005) and designed to measure the
frequency of normal dyadic dissolution, fatal attraction dissolution, and social allergen dissolution in participants. While
the above researchers used pre-existing measures, the decision to create an original questionnaire was made with the
intent of achieving maximum face validity. No one questionnaire had compared the three dissolution categories prior to
the pilot.
The 78 item, mostly close-ended questionnaire was developed inductively, with the use of the pilot questionnaire as a
primary source. The open-ended style of the pilot questionnaire proved to be exhausting and frustrating to code due to an
overwhelming rate of non-descriptive responses. Close-ended questions were then developed, and the choices following
those questions were created from the answers that participants gave in response to the pilot questionnaire.
Demographic Measures. Obtaining these facts provided not only information about the participating sample, but informed
the researcher of any basic difference between the participant and ex-partner that might have been a catalyst to the
dissolution. Specifically six items were constructed to obtain information about the former relationship between
participant and ex-partner.
Normal Dyadic Dissolution Measures. Fourteen items were constructed to measure whether or not former couple
experienced gradual separation from one another due to barriers created by the individual, dyad, or surrounding
social/environmental influences (i.e. social networks). Those participants who reported lower dependence levels, lower
levels of perceived commitment and love, perceived an imbalanced give-to-take ratio, and perceived lower levels of social
support from either family members or friends were labeled as having experienced a barrier(s) that could have contributed
to a normal dyadic dissolution.
Fatal Attraction Dissolution Measure. Seven items were constructed to determine whether or not a participant had
experienced one or more fatal attractions during the former with relationship with the ex-partner. Participants were then
asked what about the ex-partner was first attractive: personality, physical features, or common interests. Participants were
then presented with 48 personality qualities that have positive connotations, for example: adventurous, affectionate,
and/or ambitious. Later on, participants were presented with 56 synonyms of the original 48 personality qualities that have
negative connotations. Participants who chose both the positive (i.e. adventurous) and the negative (i.e. unreliable)
synonym were considered to have found the same quality both initially attractive and conclusively least attractive. These
participants were labeled as having experienced a fatal attraction during their former relationship.
Social Allergen Dissolution Measures. Thirteen items were constructed to measure whether or not the participant
experienced one or more social allergies during the former relationship with the ex-partner. Participants were asked to
indicate how often on a scale from 0 to 5, on which 0 = Never and 5 = Almost Always, they had been exposed to uncouth,
intrusive, invasive, and normal violating behaviors. Participants were also asked to indicate how aware they perceived their
ex-partners to be of their committal of said behaviors, and the level of annoyance said behaviors aroused. Participants who
indicated higher levels of exposure to a said behavior, high perceived awareness by their ex-partners, and high levels of
annoyance due to exposure of said behavior were labeled as having experience a social allergy.
Normal dyadic dissolution occurred in 62%, social allergen dissolution occurred in 27%, and fatal attraction dissolution
occurred in 11% of the participants’ (N= 321) relational demises. RQ1, which asked is age correlated with the three
breakup classifications, and RQ2, which asked what predictors, if any, can be detected among the responses that fall
within each of the breakup classifications, were assessed using a multinomial regression analysis. The multinomial
regression analysis revealed two predictor variables; however, age was not significantly correlated with any of the
breakup categories. First, an emerging adult was one third as likely to experience fatal attraction dissolution (p = .04) as
compared to normal dyadic dissolution if they had not cohabited with their significant other. Second, an emerging
adult was more likely to have perceived family support to have been higher in both fatal attraction (p = .03) and social
allergen dissolutions (p < .01) when compared with those experienced normal dyadic dissolution.
Brief Discussion
No distinctions related to age could be found among normal dyadic, fatal attraction, or social allergen dissolutions.
Gender, educational, racial, and religious differences also appear to be minimal when examined as predictors for a
particular breakup classification, alluding to the idea that heartbreak does not discriminate by demographic. It would
seem that, according to the results of this study, virtually any emerging adult is just as likely to experience one kind of
breakup as another, with a few key exceptions like, perceived family support and whether or not the couple had
cohabitated.
Because few distinctions could be made, and surmountable overlap between the three breakup categories was
prominent, the conclusion one could draw from the present study is that there are not three separate categories of
breaking up. A participant could be labeled as having experienced a fatal attraction even though the relationship
conclusively ended due to normal dyadic dissolution. To rephrase, a participant experienced
attraction/disenchantment issues involving a partner, but ultimately their relationship dissolved due to social factors.
Attraction and social interactions were both components of single dissolution, not necessarily categories of separate
dissolution types.
Perhaps an integrated model of relationship dissolution needs to be made. Because “relationships are complex,
probably it was not surprising that their demise was influenced by several factors” (Felmlee, et al., 1990, p.28). Each
supposed category of dissolution had an emphasis; normal dyadic dissolution was strongly connected to social
interaction within the couple and the social surroundings of the couple. Fatal attraction dissolution was primarily
influenced by attraction and disenchantment of observable components of one’s partner (e.g. physical features,
personality traits, and participation in shared interests). Social allergen dissolution was affected by exposure to and
frequency of habitual behaviors that are usually viewed, at minimum, as irritating. Integration would require future
research to look at the three relationship dissolutions components, instead of at three relationship dissolution
categories. The concept would be that the social, observable (physical and cognitive), and behavioral aspects overlap
within a single relationship, and can contribute as catalyst to either the relationship’s demise or success.
Figure 1: Working Diagram of New Integrated Model
Demographics of the
participant
Demographics of the
participant’s partner
Fatal Attraction(s)
Evaluation of the
relationship’s cost
Normal Dyadic Barrier(s)
Social Allergen(s)
Breakup Category Assignment Measures. One item was created to determine which dissolution type each participant
experienced. Participants were asked to respond to the open-ended question, If you were only allowed to attribute one
reason to the break up of this relationship, what would it be?” Each participant’s response was then coded as a 0, 1, 2, or 3,
with 0 = Unusable Response, 1 = Fatal Attraction Dissolution, 2= Social Allergen Dissolution, and 3 = Normal Dyadic
Dissolution.
Response Correlated with Responsibility Measures. Three items were created to measure the level of responsibility the
participants assumed for their breakups as well as their emotional responses associated with their breakups (both at the
time of dissolution and at present).
Change in the
relationship
Dissolution
Address Cost(s) with
Intent to Alleviate
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
2011 conference materials
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
ncfr-2011-materials
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Non-marital, Romantic Dissolution
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
<p><em>Poster </em><em>by: </em>Nicole Stork-Hestad, Ronald Werner-Wilson, Jason Hans</p>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
non-marital-romantic-dissolution
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
November 2011
-
https://archive.ncfr.org/files/original/3e2e9ad4ced255ca99eb8ba7502b957b.pdf
37f76062bc44d4fe431f227f6a858ac0
PDF Text
Text
Swedish Trends in Assaults Against Minors Since Banning Spanking, 1981-2010
Robert E. Larzelere
Taren Swindle
Melissa G. Oliver Byron Johnson
Oklahoma State Univ. U. of Arkansas for Medical Science
Okla. State Univ. Baylor Univ.
The past 60 years has seen a long-term international trend away from authoritarian toward
permissive parental discipline. Corporal punishment by parents has been banned in some sense in
29 countries, starting with Sweden in 1979 (Center for Effective Discipline, 2011). Nonphysical
disciplinary consequences are also falling into disfavor, sometimes explicitly as in New
Zealand’s ban of all use of disciplinary force (e.g., responding to defiance by taking a toddler to
the time-out location against his will), sometimes implicitly with prohibitions generalized to
include grounding and privilege removal (Janson, 2001; Patterson & Fisher, 2002).
Overgeneralizations of spanking bans may undermine the type of firm control that is part of
optimal authoritative parenting when combined with nurturance (Baumrind, Larzelere, & Owens,
2010; Steinberg, 2001).
Unfortunately, there have been no objective evaluations of the effects of spanking bans or of
overgeneralizations to alternative disciplinary consequences. In 1999, Larzelere and Johnson
(1999) and Durrant (1999) published nearly contradictory evaluations of the effects of the
Swedish spanking ban even though they used mostly identical data. The debate focused on
interpreting statistics relevant for child abuse and other criminal assaults and has continued on a
Child Maltreatment listserv and in unpublished papers. (Durrant, 2005; Larzelere, 2004, 2005).
Durrant, an international spanking-ban advocate, concluded that physical abuse was almost nonexistent in Sweden and that children raised since the spanking ban were less violent than
previous generations. In contrast, Larzelere and Johnson (1999) found no evidence that child
abuse had declined after Sweden’s spanking ban and reported some evidence that it had
increased, as well as assaults by minors against minors through 1994 (see Figure 1). Durrant did
not report these child abuse statistics, although she and Larzelere and Johnson (1999) both
reported that Swedish deaths due to child abuse were so low both before and after their spanking
ban that a further decrease was nearly impossible. Her evidence that children who grew up after
the spanking ban were less violent than older age cohorts was questioned by Larzelere (2004),
who showed that her evidence was based only on those who were 10 to 14 years old when the
ban was passed in 1979 (see Table 1). Percentagewise, that age cohort increased their violence
against minors less than any other age cohort, but younger cohorts had the largest percentage
increases in assaults against minors through 1994, especially those born after the spanking ban.
Nonetheless, Durrant’s hypothesis was ingenious: If the spanking ban reduced violence in
society, the age distribution of perpetrators of criminal violence should change to show the
reduced violence of those raised after the spanking ban. This paper presents updated trends from
those same Swedish criminal assault statistics through 2010 to test the hypothesis that spanking
bans will eventually reduce criminally violent acts in a society. If so, physical child abuse rates
and rates of assaults by minors against minors should start decreasing. Further, those born after
the spanking ban should represent a lower percentage of the perpetrators of criminal assaults than
older age cohorts who grew up before the ban.
Poster presented at the annual convention of the National Council on Family Relations, Nov. 16, 2011, Orlando, FL
robert.larzelere@okstate.edu (405) 744-2053
�2
Method
We obtained criminal assault data from the Official Swedish Crime Statistics published by The
National Council for Crime Prevention (2011)(www.bra.se). These data have been used
previously in Swedish reports to track trends in assaults against children (Wittrock, 1995) and
were used by both Durrant (1999) and Larzelere and Johnson (1999). The child abuse data are
alleged criminal assaults against children under 7 committed indoors by someone known by the
child. The data on alleged criminal assaults against minors is based on victims between ages 7
and 14. Annual tables categorize these assaults by age of the alleged perpetrator.
Results
Figure 1 presents the total number of alleged cases of physical child abuse and of assaults by
minors against minors from 1981 through 2010. According to these criminal statistics, physical
child abuse continued to increase in the past decade, at a slower rate from 1994 through 2005,
followed by a steep increase in rates thereafter. The number of cases in 2010 was over 21 times
more than in 1981. Cases of criminal assaults by minors against 7- to 14-year-olds also continued
to increase, until the cases in 2010 were more than 23 times the number in 1981. The temporary
decrease from 2000 to 2003 was apparently due to many assaults being categorized under two
“Other” categories rather than under the “minor-aged perpetrator” category during those years
(see Figure 1).
Relevant to Durrant’s hypothesis, however, the children who were born in the first decade after
1979 were under-represented as perpetrators of criminal assaults against minors (see Table 1).
By 2010, they were 20 to 29 years old, but the number of perpetrators in their 20s had only
increased 287% since 1984, nearly 4-fold, but a slower rate of increase than either younger or
older age cohorts of perpetrators. On the other hand, the number of criminal assaults by minors
against minors was over 20 times as many in 2009 as in 1984 (a 1941% increase), and
perpetration rates by older teenagers increased over 6 times (539%) during that period.
The number of rapes in these same statistics has increased recently to a 6-fold increase in 2010
compared to the number in 1981 (see Figure 2). This provides an opportunity to test whether
increases in violent assaults are due to an increasingly mild threshold for reporting, as Durrant
(2005) has claimed, or whether increases in violent statistics represent increases in severe
criminal assaults. Reported rapes include both completed rapes and attempted rapes. If a
decrease in the threshold for what is considered reportable explains these increases, then the
increase should be greater for attempted rapes than for completed rapes. Sweden also breaks
down their rape statistics into whether victims are under 15 year old or older than that. Thus we
will focus on whether the increase in rapes applies more to victims at the most vulnerable ages or
not. We had access to distinctions between age of victim and completed vs. attempted rapes only
back to 1995.
The increases in rape categories since 1995 are shown in Figure 3. Completed rapes against
victims under the age of 15 increased 8-fold during that time period. In contrast, attempted rapes
against victims under the age of 15 increased only 79%, whereas all reported rapes against older
victims increased 185% from 1995 to 2010.
�3
Discussion
It is encouraging for spanking-ban proponents to find that those born in the first decade after
Sweden’s spanking ban were no longer overrepresented as perpetrators of criminal assaults
against minors when they were in their twenties. Whereas they had exhibited a 6-fold increase in
assault perpetrations against minors in 1994, they showed only a 4-fold increase compared to
1981 cohorts of 20-year-olds in 2010.
On the other hand, it remains a concern that the numbers of physical child abuse cases and of
assaults by minors against minors have continued increasing into the 21st century. A major
motivation for spanking bans is to reduce the rate of physical child abuse, so the failure to
document decreased rates of physical child abuse after spanking bans is concerning. In the only
known evidence of reduced rates of severe physical violence following a spanking ban, the
majority of parents were unaware that mild spanking had been banned (in Germany: Bussmann,
2004).
Possibly these large increases in criminal assaults could reflect changes in reporting standards
rather than actual increases (Durrant, 1999; Larzelere & Johnson, 1999; Wittrock, 1995). We
know of no convincing evidence that the entire increase is due only to increasingly mild assaults.
Nilsson (2000), for example, claimed that the increase in reported child abuse consisted mostly
of milder assaults, but, using his own statistics, the number of child abuse cases with serious
injuries increased by 65% from 1990 to 1998. Durrant (1999) highlighted aggravated assaults,
which are punishable in Sweden by 1 to 10 years in prison. The percentage of all assaults that
were aggravated did not decrease between 1984 and 1994, however (Larzelere, 2005).
Unfortunately, statistics on aggravated assaults were discontinued after 1998, at least in the
summary tables used for this study. The recent increase in completed rapes against the most
vulnerable victims suggests the possibility that the increase in societal violence in Sweden is
real, perhaps because a small, but increasing percentage of boys grow up without learning to
control their impulses and disrespecting their mothers, which becomes generalized to other
females. On the other hand, perhaps Swedish women and girls are now over six times more
likely to press charges after completed rapes than in 1981. Moreover, the increase in probability
of reporting rapes would have to be greater for completed rapes than for attempted rapes and for
younger victims than for victims over 14 years of age.
Spanking bans continue to be adopted despite the lack of objective evidence of their success.
Their success may depend upon parents learning effective alternatives to use in disciplinary
situations in which spanking was a traditional option. Neither supporters (Gershoff et al., 2010)
nor critics of spanking bans (Larzelere, Cox, & Smith, 2010; Larzelere & Kuhn, 2005) have been
able to identify alternative disciplinary tactics that are more effective than nonabusive spanking
in reducing behavior problems in children. Indeed, a brief forceful room isolation is the only
enforcement for time out that has proven to be as effective as the traditional spank enforcement
for clinically defiant 2- to 6-year-olds (Roberts & Powers, 1990), yet it is prohibited explicitly in
New Zealand and implicitly in Sweden and Norway. Alternatives such as grounding and
removing allowances have also fallen into disfavor in Sweden (Janson, 2001). Clinical cases
indicate that antisocial behavior is now more associated with permissive parenting than with
authoritarian parenting in Norway, according to professionals personally opposed to spanking
(Patterson & Fisher, 2002). The recent erosion of support for nonphysical disciplinary
�4
consequences in Sweden may account for the recent increases in all three types of criminal
assaults from 2005-2010. Many of the non-empirical arguments against spanking apply also to
nonphysical disciplinary consequences: "Children are the only people that are allowed by law to
be placed in isolation [time out] against their will. Time out teaches children to isolate others
when they don’t like what they do." Larzelere and Johnson (1999) suggested that the decreased
support for mild spanking may have increased the risk for escalating parental frustration in
difficult disciplinary episodes, thereby accounting for the apparent increase in physical child
abuse. The decreasing approval of alternative nonphysical consequences might be further
exacerbating parental frustration in disciplinary situations with oppositional children. These
issues need to be addressed objectively to decrease societal violence, whether we support or
oppose bans of mild spanking.
References
Baumrind, D., Larzelere, R. E., & Owens, E. B. (2010). Effects of preschool parents' power assertive patterns and
practices on adolescent development. Parenting: Science and Practice, 10(3), 157-201. doi:
10.1080/15295190903290790
Bussmann, K.-D. (2004). Evaluating the Subtle Impact of a Ban on Corporal Punishment of Children in Germany.
Child Abuse Review, 13(5), 292-311. doi: 10.1002/car.866
Center for Effective Discipline. (2011). Discipline and the law: Retrieved February 25, 2011 from
http://www.stophitting.com/index.php?page=laws-main.
Durrant, J. E. (1999). Evaluating the success of Sweden's corporal punishment ban. Child Abuse & Neglect, 5, 435448. doi: 10.1016/S0145-2134(99)00021-6
Durrant, J. E. (2005). Law reform and corporal punishment in Sweden: Response to Robert Larzelere, The Christian
Institute, and Families First. Winnepeg: Department of Family Social Sciences, University of Manitoba
(http://www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/human_ecology/media/Durrant_2.pdf).
Gershoff, E. T., Grogan-Kaylor, A., Lansford, J. E., Chang, L., Zelli, A., Deater-Deckard, K., & Dodge, K. A.
(2010). Parent discipline practices in an International sample: Associations with child behaviors and
moderation by perceived normativeness. Child Development, 81(2), 487-502. doi: 10.1111/j.14678624.2009.01409.x
Janson, S. (2001). Barn och misshandel: En rapport om kroppslig bestraffning och annan misshandel i Sverige vid
slutet av 1900-talet [Children and physical abuse: A report about corporal punishment and other physical
abuse in Sweden at the end of the 20th century] (SOU 2001:18). Stockholm: Statens Offentliga
Utredningar.
Larzelere, R. E. (2004). Sweden's smacking ban: More harm than good. Frinton on Sea, Essex, UK: Families First.
Larzelere, R. E. (2005, July). Differentiating evidence from advocacy in evaluating Sweden's spanking ban: A
response to Joan Durrant's critique of my booklet "Sweden's smacking ban: More harm than good".
University of Nebraska Medical Center, Omaha, NE
(http://ches.okstate.edu/facultystaff/Larzelere/rdurrunl.75.pdf).
Larzelere, R. E., Cox, R. B., Jr., & Smith, G. L. (2010). Do nonphysical punishments reduce antisocial behavior
more than spanking? A comparison using the strongest previous causal evidence against spanking. BMC
Pediatrics, 10(10). doi: 10.1186/1471-2431-10-10
Larzelere, R. E., & Johnson, B. (1999). Evaluation of the effects of Sweden's spanking ban on physical child abuse
rates: A literature review. Psychological Reports, 85, 381-392. doi: 10.2466/PR0.85.6.381-392
Larzelere, R. E., & Kuhn, B. R. (2005). Comparing child outcomes of physical punishment and alternative
disciplinary tactics: A meta-analysis. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 8, 1-37. doi:
10.1007/s10567-005-2340-z
National Council for Crime Prevention. (2011). Official Swedish crime statistical tables. Retrieved April 30, 2009
www.bra.se
Nilsson, L. (2000). Barnmisshandel: En kartlaggning av polisanmald misshandel av sma barn. Stockholm:
Brottsforebyggande radet.
Patterson, G. R., & Fisher, P. A. (2002). Recent developments in our understanding of parenting: Bidirectional
effects, causal models, and the search for parsimony. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of parenting:
Vol. 5. Practical issues in parenting (2nd ed., pp. 59-88). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
�5
Roberts, M. W., & Powers, S. W. (1990). Adjusting chair timeout enforcement procedures for oppositional children.
Behavior Therapy, 21, 257-271. doi: 10.1016/S0005-7894(05)80329-6
Steinberg, L. (2001). We know some things: Parent-adolescent relationships in retrospect and prospect. Journal of
Research on Adolescence, 11, 1-19.
Wittrock, U. (1995). Barnmisshandel, 1984-1994 [Violent crimes against children, 1984-1994]. Stockholm: SCB
[Central Office for Vital Statistics] Retrieved from
http://ches.okstate.edu/facultystaff/Larzelere/sweden84.html.
Table 1. Criminal Assaults Against 7- to 14-Year-Olds in Sweden by Age of Perpetrator
______________________________________________________________________________
1994
2009
1984
______________
__________________________ _______________________
Age of Num. of Birth
Num. of Birth
% Gain
Num. of Birth
% Gain
Suspect Suspects Year
Suspects Year from 1984
Suspects Year from 1984
______________________________________________________________________________
< 15
116
1970+
718
1980+
519%
2368 1995+
1941%
15-19
107
1965-69
354 1975-79
231
684 1990-94
539
12
1960-64
28 1970-74
133
41
1985-89
242
20-24
25-29
19
1955-59
29 1965-69
53
79
1980-84
316
68
1945-54
151 1955-64
122
386
1970-79
468
30-39
40-49
47
1935-44
116 1945-54
147
372
1960-69
691
50+
25
< 1935
57
< 1945
128
183
<1960
632
______________________________________________________________________________
Note: Age cohorts born after the 1979 spanking ban are indicated in bold. Note that this table
reports percent increases since 1984 to be consistent with earlier trends debated by Larzelere
(2004, 2005) and Durrant (2005).
�6
Figure 1. Criminal assaults against children in Sweden, 1981-2010
Figure 2. Number of Rapes in Sweden, 1981-2010
Figure 3. Number of Rapes in Sweden by Type and by Victim's Age, 1981-2010
�
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<p><em>Poster </em><em>by: </em>Robert E. Larzelere, Taren Swindle, Melissa G. Oliver, Byron Johnson</p>
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